This is a very personal book. We learn about Horowitz’s grandfather Israel who was a major figure in the unionization of New York’s overworked and underpaid garment workers in the early 20th century and who broadened the movement by offering healthcare education and housing designed Brunei email address for workers. Horowitz praises the New Deal not because of the jobs it created or the protections it enshrined. It enabled the work of her grandfather’s generation to grow. New Deal legislation didn’t order companies to pay higher wages; it empowered unions to fight for them. Horowitz puts great value on this distinction because the latter approach grants greater autonomy and ownership to workers. For the labor movement writ large the last 75 years are a story of decline.
The Taft Hartley Act of 1947 forbade certain job types including supervisors and independent contractors from unionizing.
Things look more different still the rich steal
Over time supervisors switched from having solidarity with their fellow workers to becoming an arm of management. whom unionized employees became expensive and at time an annoyance. As firms sought to wriggle out of the costs of providing benefits they encouraged the growth of the freelance sector. Horowitz equates the decline in union membership from one in three workers in the mid 1950s to fewer. Than one in 10 today with an increase in the amount of risk that workers have to carry on. Their shoulders: to stay employed to stay healthy to save for retirement. IN dissecting gulf email list
the decline of the labor movement Horowitz directs relatively little ire toward. The right and its long held faith in markets to distribute labor efficiently. In fact her greater frustration is with the Democratic heirs to FDR.
Guy encounters a perfect storm the rich steal
After 1968, when Richard Nixon defeated Hubert Humphrey, Democrats responded in part by pivoting to court white-collar professionals, a decision that Horowitz sees as a critical mistake. Republicans absorbed the white blue-collar “Reagan Democrats,” forcing Democrats into a “defensive crouch.” When the party reemerged in the 1990s, Horowitz believes, it saw unions as a tool for the poor and low-skilled, and the government as the only institution capable of providing support services to communities. Horowitz takes umbrage at both notions, and she has some compelling evidence. First, in 2019, employees at the crowdfunding firm Kickstarter attempted to unionize. The company pushed back, arguing that its “privileged workers” were “misappropriating” the tool of unionism, which is only for the protection of “marginalized workers.” Elsewhere, Horowitz describes the blank looks she got when first advocating for a safety net for freelancers earning US$50,000 a year.